Paul Sheehan Sydney Morning Herald columnist
May 13, 2013
When Julia Gillard called a federal election seven months in advance, her greatest hope of survival was that Opposition Leader Tony Abbott would step on a political landmine, or his own party would undermine him. After all, it was a group of NSW Liberal factional obsessiveness and vengeful ex-Nationals who saved her in 2010.
As if on cue, one of those factional obsessives, Liberal federal backbencher Alex Hawke, has openly confronted Abbott's credibility and authority in an election year. Last week he portrayed Abbott's core policy on paid parental leave as ''unaffordable'', ''unsustainable'' and ''unnecessary''.
The same can be said about Hawke. His political career is a civil war without end. His obsession with his own self-advancement has in effect destroyed it. He may sit in Federal Parliament, he may hold a safe seat, he may pull factional strings, but in the Canberra caucus he is indelibly marked by episodes of treachery, scorched earth tactics and backbench Siberia.
Alex Hawke: criticised Tony Abbott. Photo: Lee Besford
The first time I met Hawke was during an interview with state Liberal MP David Clarke, in Clarke's office in the NSW Parliament. Clarke is one of the most eccentric men in politics and Hawke was his right-hand man, his protege. Clarke has since come to despise Hawke, for reasons that are infamous within the party.
On September 30, 2009, Hawke called the police to a branch meeting in his electorate office in Castle Hill. It was a desperate ploy, and a black mark against the party, but Hawke's local power base was under threat. The Liberal Party later produced a detailed report about the incident. Although the party bans its members from discussing internal matters with the media, the past president of the Mitchell Federal Electoral Council, Tim Abrams, who lodged a complaint about Hawke's actions, is on the record as stating: ''I have now received the ruling confirming that the behaviour of preventing members from entering the meeting and calling the police was inappropriate … The decision accurately sets the record straight and notes there was no basis or reason to stop the meeting by Alex Hawke MP or indeed his calling for the police to attend.''
I checked with Abrams to make sure his published comments were correct, which does not breach the party's suppression rule. He confirmed they were accurate: ''Yes, he used the police to close the meeting.'' Hawke, too, has claimed the party report vindicates him. I disagree.
This ugly tactic was critical to a wider stealth campaign Hawke was waging to build his factional base and end the career of his mentor, Clarke. Having been elected to Federal Parliament, and having ministerial ambitions, Hawke now regarded Clarke as a liability. Clarke, unaware, had assumed Hawke was an ally, not realising that Hawke had organised a carefully planned attack to have Clarke lose his preselection in 2010 and thus his seat in Parliament in 2011.
On January 28, 2010, Barry O'Farrell wrote to the NSW Liberal Party state director, Mark Neeham, supporting Clarke's re-endorsement for the upper house ticket, adding: ''I am especially grateful for David's support in my efforts to reform the NSW Liberal Party and put an end to the antics that have so damaged our electoral prospects in the past.''
Hawke defied his state leader. He moved against Clarke, opening a fissure within the party with exactly the sort of ''antics'' O'Farrell was condemning.
On February 4, 2010, Abbott wrote to the NSW state director: ''It's important for the stability of the NSW Liberal Party, and for the party's success at the upcoming state and federal elections, that David Clarke remains in the Legislative Council.''
Hawke, in defiance of his federal leader, moved against Clarke, and almost succeeded. On June 28, 2010, Hawke's key factional ally, Nick Campbell, was forced to resign as president of the NSW Liberal Party, after he tried to stop a vote to curb the frequent use of special powers, a tactic which Campbell, Hawke and another factional warrior, Michael Photios, had used frequently to build their factional numbers.
The use of these special powers, meant to be invoked only in emergencies, had affected the outcomes of numerous preselection contests. Campbell, Hawke and Photios were part of the majority factional alliance in the state executive which failed to have key marginal electorates ready because of factional manoeuvring.
This blew up on July 17, 2010, when Gillard announced a federal election for August 21.
The Liberal preselections for the key marginal seats of Greenway and Parramatta had not even been completed. No candidates were in the field. Preselection for a third crucial marginal seat, Lindsay, had only just been completed. All three seats are expected to fall to the Liberals this year. But in 2010 the Liberals were not ready, Labor held all three seats, and this turned the election.
During the past year, Hawke, with no prospect of advancement under Abbott, has been cultivating Malcolm Turnbull.
Last week, Hawke mounted a frontal attack on Abbott's authority with a piece for the Institute of Public Affairs calling for Abbott to scrap his paid parental leave scheme. Last Monday he gave a series of radio and TV interviews elaborating on his opposition to this signature Abbott policy. Whatever misgivings Liberals may have about this policy, the place to air them is the party room, not the media.
Having chosen to undermine his leader, again, during an election year, again, Hawke is burnishing an inedible association with division, delusion and disloyalty.
